Libya : ARTICLES

The Libyan economy has many characteristics and features that make it attractive to the foreign investors. The main aim of the study is to analyze the relationship between inflation, foreign direct investment and economic growth in Libya. In order to investigate the relationship between the variables, the ARDL Bound test was used along with necessary statistical tests. The obtained results showed that there is a continual correlation between inflation, foreign direct investment and economic growth in Libya.

This paper investigates the causal relationship between financial development and economic growth in Libya during the period 1970-2010. The empirical results vary with estimation methodology and model specification, but indicate the lack of long-run relationship between financial intermediation and nonhydrocarbon output growth.

In three parts, this paper provides an assessment of the cyclically adjusted fiscal stance, analyzes fiscal sustainability according the permanent income framework, and simulates various fiscal policy rules with the objective of developing a rule-based fiscal strategy that would delink the economy from oil price fluctuations, improve the management of resource wealth, and safeguard macroeconomic stability.

The report is intended to contribute to the implementation of policies in a post-conflict Libya to promote private sector development. The report analyses the structural economic and framework conditions prevalent in Libya, highlights potential drivers of development and considers the role of SMEs and entrepreneurship promotion in driving post-conflict recovery.

This paper presents an empirical investigation of inflation dynamics in Libya over the period 1964–2010, using cointegration and error correction models. While inflation inertia is found to be a key determinant of consumer price inflation, the econometric results indicate that government spending, money supply growth, global inflation, and exchange rate pass-through play central roles in the inflation process.

L’éducation peut être considérée comme une affaire économique du point de vue de l’efficacité du système. Cette acception particulière nous invite alors à envisager le système éducatif comme un projet de société destiné à satisfaire un ensemble de contraintes à la fois financières et scientifiques.

The EU and several European states, especially Italy, have been working hard to implement policies that ensure less migrants reach Europe. These policies include externalizing border control and supporting tyrannical regimes that block people from leaving their country, regardless of the deteriorating human rights conditions therein.

Using the examples of European Union and United Kingdom support to Libya, this Article analyzes the due diligence policies they have applied to extraterritorial cooperation in the area of border control and the detention of refugees and other migrants.

A few more than 23,000 migrants arrived in Europe after crossing the Central Mediterranean in 2018, a staggering drop from 120,000 in 2017 and 180,000 in the year before that. This tectonic shift started in the middle of 2017 and is the result of fundamental changes that have been taking place in the human smuggling and trafficking industries of Libya and the Sahel over the past two years.

In this article, I address one such situation: the significant and growing evidence of widespread sexual violence at detention sites in Libya where migrants are imprisoned after interception on the Mediterranean Sea. Drawing on policy documents, human rights reports, interviews with advocates and officials, and an analysis of debates in the EU Parliament and UNHCR's humanitarian evacuation scheme in Libya, I examine how abuses have been framed, and with what effects.

Current policies aimed at curbing illegal migration to Europe through Libya, such as the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) between the Italian government and Libya’s Government of National Accord (GNA) signed early 2017, are unlikely to be sustainable in the mid to long-term.

Comment expliquer le fait que les Burkinabè continuent de partir en Libye alors que les refoulements s’intensifient par temps de guerre civile ? Pour éclairer cette énigme, il conviendra tout d’abord de resituer ces mouvements dans une longue histoire scandée par l'obsession sécuritaire européenne, mais aussi par les recompositions des relations diplomatiques entre la Libye et l'Afrique subsaharienne et les tensions en Côte d’Ivoire.